營(yíng)銷技巧外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)

營(yíng)銷技巧外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)營(yíng)銷技巧外文翻譯文獻(xiàn)(文檔含中英文對(duì)照即英文原文和中文翻譯)外文：Amarketer’sguidetobehavioraleconomicsApirl.2010?NedWelch?McKinseyQuarterlyMarketershavebeenapplyingbehavioraleconomics-oftenunknowinglyforyears.Amoresystematicapproachcanunlocksignificantvalue.Longbeforebehavioraleconomicshadaname,marketerswereusingit.“Threeforthepriceoftwo”offersandextended-paymentlayawayplansbecamewidespreadbecausetheyworked—notbecausemarketershadrunscientificstudiesshowingthatpeoplepreferasupposedlyfreeincentivetoanequivalentpricediscountorthatpeopleoftenbehaveirrationallywhenthinkingaboutfutureconsequences.Yetdespitemarketing’sinadvertentleadershipinusingprinciplesofbehavioraleconomics,fewcompaniesusetheminasystematicway.Inthisarticle,wehighlightfourpracticaltechniquesthatshouldbepartofeverymarketer’stoolkit.1.Makeaproduct’scostlesspainfulInalmosteverypurchasingdecision,consumershavetheoptiontodonothing:theycanalwayssavetheirmoneyforanotherday.That’swhythemarketer’staskisnotjusttobeatcompetitorsbutalsotopersuadeshopperstopartwiththeirmoneyinthefirstplace.Accordingtoeconomicprinciple,thepainofpaymentshouldbeidenticalforeverydollarwespend.Inmarketingpractice,however,manyfactorsinfluencethewayconsumersvalueadollarandhowmuchpaintheyfeeluponspendingit.Retailersknowthatallowingconsumerstodelaypaymentcandramaticallyincreasetheirwillingnesstobuy.Onereasondelayedpaymentsworkisperfectlylogical:thetimevalueofmoneymakesfuturepaymentslesscostlythanimmediateones.Butthereisasecond,lessrationalbasisforthisphenomenon.Payments,likealllosses,areviscerallyunpleasant.Butemotionsexperiencedinthepresent—now—areespeciallyimportant.Evensmalldelaysinpaymentcansoftentheimmediatestingofpartingwithyourmoneyandremoveanimportantbarriertopurchase.Anotherwaytominimizethepainofpaymentistounderstandtheways“mentalaccounting”affectsdecisionmaking.Consumersusedifferentmentalaccountsformoneytheyobtainfromdifferentsourcesratherthantreatingeverydollartheyownequally,aseconomistsbelievetheydo,orshould.Commonlyobservedmentalaccountsincludewindfallgains,pocketmoney,income,andsavings.Windfallgainsandpocketmoneyareusuallytheeasiestforconsumerstospend.Incomeislesseasytorelinquish,andsavingsthemostdifficultofall.Technologycreatesnewfrontiersforharnessingmentalaccountingtobenefitbothconsumersandmarketers.Acreditcardmarketer,forinstance,couldofferaWeb-basedormobile-deviceapplicationthatgivesconsumersreal-timefeedbackonspendingagainstpredefinedbudgetandrevenuecategories—green,say,forbelowbudget,redforabovebudget,andsoon.Thebudget-consciousconsumerislikelytofindvalueinsuchaccounts(althoughtheyarenotstrictlyrational)andtoconcentratespendingonacardthatmakesuseofthem.Thiswouldnotonlyincreasetheissuer’sinterchangefeesandfinancingincomebutalsoimprovetheissuer’sviewofitscustomers’overallfinancialsituation.Finally,ofcourse,suchanapplicationwouldmakeagenuinecontributiontotheseconsumers’desiretolivewithintheirmeans.2.HarnessthepowerofadefaultoptionTheevidenceisoverwhelmingthatpresentingoneoptionasadefaultincreasesthechanceitwillbechosen.Defaults—whatyougetifyoudon’tactivelymakeachoice—workpartlybyinstillingaperceptionofownershipbeforeanypurchasetakesplace,becausethepleasurewederivefromgainsislessintensethanthepainfromequivalentlosses.Whenwe’re“given”somethingbydefault,itbecomesmorevaluedthanitwouldhavebeenotherwise—andwearemoreloathtopartwithit.Savvymarketerscanharnesstheseprinciples.AnItaliantelecomcompany,forexample,increasedtheacceptancerateofanoffermadetocustomerswhentheycalledtocanceltheirservice.Originally,ascriptinformedthemthattheywouldreceive100freecallsiftheykepttheirplan.Thescriptwasrewordedtosay,“Wehavealreadycreditedyouraccountwith100calls—howcouldyouusethose?”Manycustomersdidnotwanttogiveupfreetalktimetheyfelttheyalreadyowned.Defaultsworkbestwhendecisionmakersaretooindifferent,confused,orconflictedtoconsidertheiroptions.Thatprincipleisparticularlyrelevantinaworldthat’sincreasinglyawashwithchoices—adefaulteliminatestheneedtomakeadecision.Thedefault,however,mustalsobeagoodchoiceformostpeople.Attemptingtomisleadcustomerswillultimatelybackfirebybreedingdistrust.3.Don’toverwhelmconsumerswithchoiceWhenadefaultoptionisn’tpossible,marketersmustbewaryofgenerating“choiceoverload,”whichmakesconsumerslesslikelytopurchase.Inaclassicfieldexperiment,somegrocerystoreshopperswereofferedthechancetotasteaselectionof24jams,whileotherswereofferedonly6.Thegreatervarietydrewmoreshopperstosamplethejams,butfewmadeapurchase.Bycontrast,althoughfewerconsumersstoppedtotastethe6jamsonoffer,salesfromthisgroupweremorethanfivetimeshigher.Largein-storeassortmentsworkagainstmarketersinatleasttwoways.First,thesechoicesmakeconsumersworkhardertofindtheirpreferredoption,apotentialbarriertopurchase.Second,largeassortmentsincreasethelikelihoodthateachchoicewillbecomeimbuedwitha“negativehalo”—aheightenedawarenessthateveryoptionrequiresyoutoforgodesirablefeaturesavailableinsomeotherproduct.Reducingthenumberofoptionsmakespeoplelikeliernotonlytoreachadecisionbutalsotofeelmoresatisfiedwiththeirchoice.4.PositionyourpreferredoptioncarefullyEconomistsassumethateverythinghasaprice:yourwillingnesstopaymaybehigherthanmine,buteachofushasamaximumpricewe’dbewillingtopay.Howmarketerspositionaproduct,though,canchangetheequation.Considertheexperienceofthejewelrystoreownerwhoseconsignmentofturquoisejewelrywasn’tselling.Displayingitmoreprominentlydidn’tachieveanything,nordidincreasedeffortsbyhersalesstaff.Exasperated,shegavehersalesmanagerinstructionstomarkthelotdown“x?”anddepartedonabuyingtrip.Onherreturn,shefoundthatthemanagermisreadthenoteandhadmistakenlydoubledthepriceoftheitems—andsoldthelot.2Inthiscase,shoppersalmostcertainlydidn’tbasetheirpurchasesonanabsolutemaximumprice.Instead,theymadeinferencesfromthepriceaboutthejewelry’squality,whichgeneratedacontext-specificwillingnesstopay.Thepowerofthiskindofrelativepositioningexplainswhymarketerssometimesbenefitfromofferingafewclearlyinferioroptions.Eveniftheydon’tsell,theymayincreasesalesofslightlybetterproductsthestorereallywantstomove.Similarly,manyrestaurantsfindthatthesecond-most-expensivebottleofwineisverypopular—andsoisthesecond-cheapest.Customerswhobuytheformerfeeltheyaregettingsomethingspecialbutnotgoingoverthetop.Thosewhobuythelatterfeeltheyaregettingabargainbutnotbeingcheap.Sonyfoundthesamethingwithheadphones:consumersbuythematagivenpriceifthereisamoreexpensiveoption—butnotiftheyarethemostexpensiveoptiononoffer.Anotherwaytopositionchoicesrelatesnottotheproductsacompanyoffersbuttothewayitdisplaysthem.Ourresearchsuggests,forinstance,thaticecreamshoppersingrocerystoreslookatthebrandfirst,flavorsecond,andpricelast.Organizingsupermarketaislesaccordingtowayconsumersprefertobuyspecificproductsmakescustomersbothhappierandlesslikelytobasetheirpurchasedecisionsonprice—allowingretailerstosellhigher-priced,higher-marginproducts.(Thisexplainswhyaislesarerarelyorganizedbyprice.)Forthermostats,bycontrast,peoplegenerallystartwithprice,thenfunction,andfinallybrand.Themerchandiselayoutshouldthereforebequitedifferent.Marketershavelongbeenawarethatirrationalityhelpsshapeconsumerbehavior.Behavioraleconomicscanmakethatirrationalitymorepredictable.Understandingexactlyhowsmallchangestothedetailsofanoffercaninfluencethewaypeoplereacttoitiscrucialtounlockingsignificantvalue—oftenatverylowcost.不可或缺的營(yíng)銷四技巧多年來，營(yíng)銷商一直在運(yùn)用行為經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)，但往往是不自覺地運(yùn)用。一種更系統(tǒng)的做法則能為營(yíng)銷商開發(fā)出巨大的價(jià)值。早在行為經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)成為一門學(xué)說之前，營(yíng)銷者就已經(jīng)在使用它了?！百I三送一”的招攬和延長(zhǎng)付款時(shí)間的“先用后付”計(jì)劃已被商家廣泛采用，之所以這樣，是因?yàn)檫@些做法很有效，而并不是因?yàn)闋I(yíng)銷商做了什么科學(xué)研究，證明了人們更喜歡得到看似免費(fèi)的獎(jiǎng)勵(lì)，不那么喜歡同等程度的價(jià)格折扣，或是證明了人們?cè)诳紤]將來的后果時(shí)常常表現(xiàn)得不理性。然而，盡管營(yíng)銷在運(yùn)用行為經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)原理方面無意間走到了前頭，但卻很少有商家能夠以系統(tǒng)的方法來運(yùn)用這些原理。本文重點(diǎn)介紹了四種實(shí)用的營(yíng)銷技巧，它們應(yīng)成為每一位營(yíng)銷商不可缺少的工具。1.減輕人們花錢買產(chǎn)品時(shí)的心痛感幾乎在每一項(xiàng)購(gòu)買決策中，消費(fèi)者都可以選擇不買：他們總是可以把錢留下來，改日再買。正因?yàn)槿绱?，營(yíng)銷商的任務(wù)不僅僅是打敗競(jìng)爭(zhēng)對(duì)手，而且還要說服購(gòu)物者從一開始就掏出錢來。根據(jù)經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)原理，對(duì)于我們花出的每一元錢，支付的痛感應(yīng)該都是同樣的劇烈。不過，在營(yíng)銷實(shí)踐中，許多因素會(huì)影響人們?nèi)绾慰创辉X的價(jià)值，影響他們?cè)诨ㄟ@一元錢時(shí)痛感的程度。零售商都知道，讓消費(fèi)者推遲付款的安排能極大地提高買家的購(gòu)買意愿。推遲付款之所以有效，其中的一個(gè)原因是非常符合邏輯的：金錢的時(shí)間價(jià)值使得將來付款比立即付款更便宜。但這種現(xiàn)象的背后，還有另外一個(gè)不是那么理性的原因。付款，就像所有其他損失一樣，讓人本能地覺得不爽。但此時(shí)此刻的情感體驗(yàn)是極其重要的。所以，即使是略微推遲付款，也能減輕馬上拿錢出去的那種刺痛感，從而消除阻止人們購(gòu)買的一個(gè)大障礙。另一個(gè)能夠最大程度地減輕付款痛苦的方法是，了解“心理會(huì)計(jì)”影響購(gòu)買決策的各種方式。消費(fèi)者會(huì)將他們從不同來源獲得的錢劃分到不同的“心理賬戶”中，而不是像經(jīng)濟(jì)學(xué)家認(rèn)為他們會(huì)或應(yīng)該的那樣，平等地看待所擁有的每一元錢。常見的“心理賬戶”有意外之財(cái)、零花錢、收入和儲(chǔ)蓄等。通常，意外之財(cái)和零花錢是消費(fèi)者最容易花出去的錢。收入不太容易花出去，而花掉儲(chǔ)蓄是最難的。技術(shù)創(chuàng)造了一些利用“心理會(huì)計(jì)”的新領(lǐng)域，讓消費(fèi)者和營(yíng)銷商都受益。例如，信用卡營(yíng)銷商可以提供一項(xiàng)基于互聯(lián)網(wǎng)或移動(dòng)設(shè)備的應(yīng)用，向消費(fèi)者實(shí)時(shí)反饋支出與預(yù)先確定的預(yù)算及收入類別的比較情況，比如說，綠色表示低于預(yù)算，紅色表示超出預(yù)算等等。這些賬戶的設(shè)置并不完全符合理性，但對(duì)預(yù)算十分在意的消費(fèi)者可能會(huì)覺得這類賬戶很有價(jià)值，并且把支出集中在利用這類賬戶的卡上。這樣，不僅能增加發(fā)卡公司的交易費(fèi)收入和融資收益，還能讓發(fā)卡公司更好地了解其客戶的總體財(cái)務(wù)狀況。當(dāng)然，這樣一項(xiàng)應(yīng)用程序最終能夠?yàn)槟切┫Ｍ咳霝槌龅南M(fèi)者做出真正的貢獻(xiàn)。2.利用默認(rèn)選擇的力量有壓倒多數(shù)的證據(jù)表明，如果提供一種選擇作為默認(rèn)選擇，會(huì)提高這種選擇被選中的可能性。默認(rèn)選擇是人們不用費(fèi)心勞神就能得到的選擇，它起作用的部分原因在于，讓人們?cè)谌魏钨?gòu)買發(fā)生之前產(chǎn)生了一種擁有感，因?yàn)槲覀儚氖斋@中得到的快樂沒有從等價(jià)的失去中感受的痛苦那么強(qiáng)烈。當(dāng)我們被默認(rèn)地“給予”某樣?xùn)|西時(shí)，它就變得比原來沒有被“給予”時(shí)更有價(jià)值，因此，我們更不愿意失去它。精明的營(yíng)銷商可以利用這些原理。例如，一家意大利電信公司在顧客打電話要取消服務(wù)時(shí)，卻成功地提高了向顧客提供該服務(wù)的接受率。一開始，顧客會(huì)聽到一段錄音告訴他們說，如果他們繼續(xù)接受服務(wù)，則可獲得100次免費(fèi)電話。后來，這段錄音改為：“我們已經(jīng)向您的賬戶贈(zèng)送100次電話，您打算如何使用呢？”結(jié)果，許多顧客不想放棄他們覺得自己已經(jīng)擁有的免費(fèi)通話時(shí)間。當(dāng)決策者在考慮他們的選擇時(shí)覺得無所謂、困惑或矛盾時(shí)，默認(rèn)選擇最能發(fā)揮作用。在一個(gè)充斥著大量選擇的世界里，這個(gè)原理尤其有用，一項(xiàng)默認(rèn)選擇可以讓人們不必再費(fèi)力作出決定。不過，對(duì)大多數(shù)人來說，這個(gè)默認(rèn)選擇必須是一個(gè)好的選擇。如果試圖誤導(dǎo)顧客，最后只會(huì)適得其反，導(dǎo)致顧客的不信任。3.切勿讓選擇壓垮消費(fèi)者如果不可能給出一項(xiàng)默認(rèn)選擇，營(yíng)銷商必須警惕“選擇超載”，這會(huì)降低消費(fèi)者購(gòu)買的可能性。在一個(gè)經(jīng)典的現(xiàn)場(chǎng)實(shí)驗(yàn)中，某家食品店的顧客可以品嘗24種果醬，而另一些食品店的顧客只可以品嘗6種。2